ThePsychologyofPersuasion

 INFLUENCE
     The Psychology
           of
       Persuasion



ROBERT B. CIALDINI PH.D.
This book is dedicated to Chris,
 who glows in his father’s eye
                             Contents

Introduction                                          v
1
Weapons of Influence                                   1
2
Reciprocation: The Old Give and Take…and Take         13
3
Commitment and Consistency: Hobgoblins of the Mind    43
4
Social Proof: Truths Are Us                           87
5
Liking: The Friendly Thief                           126
6
Authority: Directed Deference                        157
7
Scarcity: The Rule of the Few                        178
Epilogue Instant Influence:
Primitive Consent for an Automatic Age               205
Notes                                                211
Bibliography                                         225
Index                                                241
Acknowledgments
About the Author
Cover
Copyright
About the Publisher
                    INTRODUCTION




I can admit it freely now. All my life I’ve been a patsy. For as long as I
can recall, I’ve been an easy mark for the pitches of peddlers, fund-
raisers, and operators of one sort or another. True, only some of these
people have had dishonorable motives. The others—representatives of
certain charitable agencies, for instance—have had the best of intentions.
No matter. With personally disquieting frequency, I have always found
myself in possession of unwanted magazine subscriptions or tickets to
the sanitation workers’ ball. Probably this long-standing status as
sucker accounts for my interest in the study of compliance: Just what
are the factors that cause one person to say yes to another person? And
which techniques most effectively use these factors to bring about such
compliance? I wondered why it is that a request stated in a certain way
will be rejected, while a request that asks for the same favor in a slightly
different fashion will be successful.
   So in my role as an experimental social psychologist, I began to do
research into the psychology of compliance. At first the research
vi / Influence


took the form of experiments performed, for the most part, in my
laboratory and on college students. I wanted to find out which psycho-
logical principles influence the tendency to comply with a request. Right
now, psychologists know quite a bit about these principles—what they
are and how they work. I have characterized such principles as weapons
of influence and will report on some of the most important in the up-
coming chapters.
   After a time, though, I began to realize that the experimental work,
while necessary, wasn’t enough. It didn’t allow me to judge the import-
ance of the principles in the world beyond the psychology building and
the campus where I was examining them. It became clear that if I was
to understand fully the psychològy of compliance, I would need to
broaden my scope of investigation. I would need to look to the compli-
ance professionals—the people who had been using the principles on
me all my life. They know what works and what doesn’t; the law of
survival of the fittest assures it. Their business is to make us comply,
and their livelihoods depend on it. Those who don’t know how to get
people to say yes soon fall away; those who do, stay and flourish.
   Of course, the compliance professionals aren’t the only ones who
know about and use these principles to help them get their way. We
all employ them and fall victim to them, to some degree, in our daily
interactions with neighbors, friends, lovers, and offspring. But the
compliance practitioners have much more than the vague and amateur-
ish understanding of what works than the rest of us have. As I thought
about it, I knew that they represented the richest vein of information
about compliance available to me. For nearly three years, then, I com-
bined my experimental studies with a decidedly more entertaining
program of systematic immersion into the world of compliance profes-
sionals—sales operators, fund-raisers, recruiters, advertisers, and others.
   The purpose was to observe, from the inside, the techniques and
strategies most commonly and effectively used by a broad range of
compliance practitioners. That program of observation sometimes took
the form of interviews with the practitioners themselves and sometimes
with the natural enemies (for example, police buncosquad officers,
consumer agencies) of certain of the practitioners. At other times it in-
volved an intensive examination of the written materials by which
compliance techniques are passed down from one generation to anoth-
er—sales manuals and the like.
   Most frequently, though, it has taken the form of participant observa-
tion. Participant observation is a research approach in which the re-
searcher becomes a spy of sorts. With disguised identity and intent, the
investigator infiltrates the setting of interest and becomes a full-fledged
                                            Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / vii

participant in the group to be studied. So when I wanted to learn about
the compliance tactics of encyclopedia (or vacuum-cleaner, or portrait-
photography, or dance-lesson) sales organizations, I would answer a
newspaper ad for sales trainees and have them teach me their methods.
Using similar but not identical approaches, I was able to penetrate ad-
vertising, public-relations, and fund-raising agencies to examine their
techniques. Much of the evidence presented in this book, then, comes
from my experience posing as a compliance professional, or aspiring
professional, in a large variety of organizations dedicated to getting us
to say yes.
   One aspect of what I learned in this three-year period of participant
observation was most instructive. Although there are thousands of
different tactics that compliance practitioners employ to produce yes,
the majority fall within six basic categories. Each of these categories is
governed by a fundamental psychological principle that directs human
behavior and, in so doing, gives the tactics their power. The book is
organized around these six principles, one to a chapter. The prin-
ciples—consistency, reciprocation, social proof, authority, liking, and
scarcity—are each discussed in terms of their function in the society
and in terms of how their enormous force can be commissioned by a
compliance professional who deftly incorporates them into requests
for purchases, donations, concessions, votes, assent, etc. It is worthy of
note that I have not included among the six principles the simple rule
of material self-interest—that people want to get the most and pay the
least for their choices. This omission does not stem from any perception
on my part that the desire to maximize benefits and minimize costs is
unimportant in driving our decisions. Nor does it come from any
evidence I have that compliance professionals ignore the power of this
rule. Quite the opposite: In my investigations, I frequently saw practi-
tioners use (sometimes honestly, sometimes not) the compelling “I can
give you a good deal” approach. I choose not to treat the material self-
interest rule separately in this book because I see it as a motivational
given, as a goes-without-saying factor that deserves acknowledgment
but not extensive description.
   Finally, each principle is examined as to its ability to produce a distinct
kind of automatic, mindless compliance from people, that is, a willing-
ness to say yes without thinking first. The evidence suggests that the
ever-accelerating pace and informational crush of modern life will make
this particular form of unthinking compliance more and more prevalent
in the future. It will be increasingly important for the society, therefore,
to understand the how and why of automatic influence.

  It has been some time since the first edition of Influence was published.
viii / Influence

In the interim, some things have happened that I feel deserve a place
in this new edition. First, we now know more about the influence
process than before. The study of persuasion, compliance, and change
has advanced, and the pages that follow have been adapted to reflect
that progress. In addition to an overall update of the material, I have
included a new feature that was stimulated by the responses of prior
readers.
  That new feature highlights the experiences of individuals who have
read Influence, recognized how one of the principles worked on (or for)
them in a particular instance, and wrote to me describing the event.
Their descriptions, which appear in the Reader’s Reports at the end of
each chapter, illustrate how easily and frequently we can fall victim to
the pull of the influence process in our everyday lives.
  I wish to thank the following individuals who—either directly or
through their course instructors—contributed the Reader’s Reports
used in this edition: Pat Bobbs, Mark Hastings, James Michaels, Paul
R. Nail, Alan J. Resnik, Daryl Retzlaff, Dan Swift, and Karla Vasks. In
addition, I would like to invite new readers to submit similar reports
for possible publication in a future edition. They may be sent to me at
the Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ
85287-1104.

                                                 —ROBERT B. CIALDINI
                             Chapter 1

                       WEAPONS OF
                       INFLUENCE

     Everything should be made as simple as possible, but not sim-
                                pler.
                         —ALBERT EINSTEIN




I opened an Indian jewelry store in Arizona. She was giddy with a
  GOT A PHONE CALL ONE DAY FROM A FRIEND WHO HAD RECENTLY

curious piece of news. Something fascinating had just happened, and
she thought that, as a psychologist, I might be able to explain it to her.
The story involved a certain allotment of turquoise jewelry she had
been having trouble selling. It was the peak of the tourist season, the
store was unusually full of customers, the turquoise pieces were of good
quality for the prices she was asking; yet they had not sold. My friend
had attempted a couple of standard sales tricks to get them moving.
She tried calling attention to them by shifting their location to a more
central display area; no luck. She even told her sales staff to “push” the
items hard, again without success.
   Finally, the night before leaving on an out-of-town buying trip, she
scribbled an exasperated note to her head saleswoman, “Everything in
this display case, price × ½,” hoping just to be rid of the offending pieces,
even if at a loss. When she returned a few days later, she was not sur-
prised to find that every article had been sold. She was shocked, though,
to discover that, because the employee had read the “½” in her scrawled
message as a “2,” the entire allotment had sold out at twice the original
price!
2 / Influence

    That’s when she called me. I thought I knew what had happened but
told her that, if I were to explain things properly, she would have to
listen to a story of mine. Actually, it isn’t my story; it’s about mother
turkeys, and it belongs to the relatively new science of ethology—the
study of animals in their natural settings. Turkey mothers are good
mothers—loving, watchful, and protective. They spend much of their
time tending, warming, cleaning, and huddling the young beneath
them. But there is something odd about their method. Virtually all of
this mothering is triggered by one thing: the “cheep-cheep” sound of
young turkey chicks. Other identifying features of the chicks, such as
their smell, touch, or appearance, seem to play minor roles in the
mothering process. If a chick makes the “cheep-cheep” noise, its
mother will care for it; if not, the mother will ignore or sometimes kill
it.
    The extreme reliance of maternal turkeys upon this one sound was
dramatically illustrated by animal behaviorist M. W. Fox in his descrip-
tion of an experiment involving a mother turkey and a stuffed polecat.1
For a mother turkey, a polecat is a natural enemy whose approach is
to be greeted with squawking, pecking, clawing rage. Indeed, the exper-
imenters found that even a stuffed model of a polecat, when drawn by
a string toward a mother turkey, received an immediate and furious
attack. When, however, the same stuffed replica carried inside it a small
recorder that played the “cheep-cheep” sound of baby turkeys, the
mother not only accepted the oncoming polecat but gathered it under-
neath her. When the machine was turned off, the polecat model again
drew a vicious attack.

    How ridiculous a female turkey seems under these circumstances:
She will embrace a natural enemy just because it goes “cheep-cheep,”
and she will mistreat or murder one of her own chicks just because it
does not. She looks like an automaton whose maternal instincts are
under the automatic control of that single sound. The ethologists tell
us that this sort of thing is far from unique to the turkey. They have
begun to identify regular, blindly mechanical patterns of action in a
wide variety of species.
    Called fixed-action patterns, they can involve intricate sequences of
behavior, such as entire courtship or mating rituals. A fundamental
characteristic of these patterns is that the behaviors that compose them
occur in virtually the same fashion and in the same order every time.
It is almost as if the patterns were recorded on tapes within the animals.
When the situation calls for courtship, the courtship tape gets played;
when the situation calls for mothering, the maternal-behavior tape gets
                                              Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 3

played. Click and the appropriate tape is activated; whirr and out rolls
the standard sequence of behaviors.
   The most interesting thing about all this is the way the tapes are ac-
tivated. When a male animal acts to defend his territory, for instance,
it is the intrusion of another male of the same species that cues the ter-
ritorial-defense tape of rigid vigilance, threat, and, if need be, combat
behaviors. But there is a quirk in the system. It is not the rival male as
a whole that is the trigger; it is some specific feature of him, the trigger
feature. Often the trigger feature will be just one tiny aspect of the totality
that is the approaching intruder. Sometimes a shade of color is the
trigger feature. The experiments of ethologists have shown, for instance,
that a male robin, acting as if a rival robin had entered its territory, will
vigorously attack nothing more than a clump of robin-redbreast feathers
placed there. At the same time, it will virtually ignore a perfect stuffed
replica of a male robin without red breast feathers; similar results have
been found in another species of bird, the bluethroat, where it appears
that the trigger for territorial defense is a specific shade of blue breast
feathers.2

   Before we enjoy too smugly the ease with which lower animals can
be tricked by trigger features into reacting in ways wholly inappropriate
to the situation, we might realize two things. First, the automatic, fixed-
action patterns of these animals work very well the great majority of
the time. For example, because only healthy, normal turkey chicks make
the peculiar sound of baby turkeys, it makes sense for mother turkeys
to respond maternally to that single “cheep-cheep” noise. By reacting
to just that one stimulus, the average mother turkey will nearly always
behave correctly. It takes a trickster like a scientist to make her tapelike
response seem silly. The second important thing to understand is that
we, too, have our preprogrammed tapes; and, although they usually
work to our advantage, the trigger features that activate them can be
used to dupe us into playing them at the wrong times.3
   This parallel form of human automatic action is aptly demonstrated
in an experiment by Harvard social psychologist Ellen Langer. A well-
known principle of human behavior says that when we ask someone
to do us a favor we will be more successful if we provide a reason.
People simply like to have reasons for what they do. Langer demon-
strated this unsurprising fact by asking a small favor of people waiting
in line to use a library copying machine: Excuse me, I have five pages. May
I use the Xerox machine because I’m in a rush? The effectiveness of this
request-plus-reason was nearly total: Ninety-four percent of those asked
let her skip ahead of them in line. Compare this success rate to the results
when she made the request only: Excuse me, I have five pages. May I use
4 / Influence

the Xerox machine? Under those circumstances, only 60 percent of those
asked complied. At first glance, it appears that the crucial difference
between the two requests was the additional information provided by
the words “because I’m in a rush.” But a third type of request tried by
Langer showed that this was not the case. It seems that it was not the
whole series of words, but the first one, “because,” that made the differ-
ence. Instead of including a real reason for compliance, Langer’s third
type of request used the word “because” and then, adding nothing new,
merely restated the obvious: Excuse me, I have five pages. May I use the
Xerox machine because I have to make some copies? The result was that once
again nearly all (93 percent) agreed, even though no real reason, no
new information, was added to justify their compliance. Just as the
“cheep-cheep” sound of turkey chicks triggered an automatic mothering
response from maternal turkeys—even when it emanated from a stuffed
polecat—so, too, did the word “because” trigger an automatic compli-
ance response from Langer’s subjects, even when they were given no
subsequent reason to comply. Click, whirr!4

   Although some of Langer’s additional findings show that there are
many situations in which human behavior does not work in a mechan-
ical, tape-activated way, what is astonishing is how often it does. For
instance, consider the strange behavior of those jewelry-store customers
who swooped down on an allotment of turquoise pieces only after the
items had been mistakenly offered at double their original price. I can
make no sense of their behavior, unless it is viewed in click, whirr terms.
   The customers, mostly well-to-do vacationers with little knowledge
of turquoise, were using a standard principle—a stereotype—to guide
their buying: “expensive = good.” Thus the vacationers, who wanted
“good” jewelry, saw the turquoise pieces as decidedly more valuable
and desirable when nothing about them was enhanced but the price.
Price alone had become a trigger feature for quality; and a dramatic
increase in price alone had led to a dramatic increase in sales among
the quality-hungry buyers. Click, whirr!
   It is easy to fault the tourists for their foolish purchase decisions. But
a close look offers a kinder view. These were people who had been
brought up on the rule “You get what you pay for” and who had seen
that rule borne out over and over in their lives. Before long, they had
translated the rule to mean “expensive = good.” The “expensive = good”
stereotype had worked quite well for them in the past, since normally
the price of an item increases along with its worth; a higher price typic-
ally reflects higher quality. So when they found themselves in the pos-
ition of wanting good turquoise jewelry without much knowledge of
                                            Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 5

turquoise, they understandably relied on the old standby feature of
cost to determine the jewelry’s merits.
    Although they probably did not realize it, by reacting solely to the
price feature of the turquoise, they were playing a shortcut version of
betting the odds. Instead of stacking all the odds in their favor by trying
painstakingly to master each of the things that indicate the worth of
turquoise jewelry, they were counting on just one—the one they knew
to be usually associated with the quality of any item. They were betting
that price alone would tell them all they needed to know. This time,
because someone mistook a “½” for a “2,” they bet wrong. But in the
long run, over all the past and future situations of their lives, betting
those shortcut odds may represent the most rational approach possible.
    In fact, automatic, stereotyped behavior is prevalent in much of hu-
man action, because in many cases it is the most efficient form of behav-
ing, and in other cases it is simply necessary. You and I exist in an ex-
traordinarily complicated stimulus environment, easily the most rapidly
moving and complex that has ever existed on this planet. To deal with
it, we need shortcuts. We can’t be expected to recognize and analyze all
the aspects in each person, event, and situation we encounter in even
one day. We haven’t the time, energy, or capacity for it. Instead, we
must very often use our stereotypes, our rules of thumb to classify
things according to a few key features and then to respond mindlessly
when one or another of these trigger features is present.
    Sometimes the behavior that unrolls will not be appropriate for the
situation, because not even the best stereotypes and trigger features
work every time. But we accept their imperfection, since there is really
no other choice. Without them we would stand frozen—cataloging,
appraising, and calibrating—as the time for action sped by and away.
And from all indications, we will be relying on them to an even greater
extent in the future. As the stimuli saturating our lives continue to grow
more intricate and variable, we will have to depend increasingly on
our shortcuts to handle them all.
    The renowned British philosopher Alfred North Whitehead recog-
nized this inescapable quality of modern life when he asserted that
“civilization advances by extending the number of operations we can
perform without thinking about them.” Take, for example, the “ad-
vance” offered to civilization by the discount coupon, which allows
consumers to assume that they will receive a reduced purchase price
by presenting the coupon. The extent to which we have learned to op-
erate mechanically on that assumption is illustrated in the experience
of one automobile-tire company. Mailed-out coupons that—because of
a printing error—offered no savings to recipients produced just as much
customer response as did error-free coupons that offered substantial
6 / Influence

savings. The obvious but instructive point here is that we expect dis-
count coupons to do double duty. Not only do we expect them to save
us money, we also expect them to save us the time and mental energy
required to think about how to do it. In today’s world, we need the first
advantage to handle pocketbook strain; but we need the second advant-
age to handle something potentially more important—brain strain.
  It is odd that despite their current widespread use and looming future
importance, most of us know very little about our automatic behavior
patterns. Perhaps that is so precisely because of the mechanistic, un-
thinking manner in which they occur. Whatever the reason, it is vital
that we clearly recognize one of their properties: They make us terribly
vulnerable to anyone who does know how they work.

   To understand fully the nature of our vulnerability, another glance
at the work of the ethologists is in order. It turns out that these animal
behaviorists with their recorded “cheep-cheeps” and their clumps of
colored breast feathers are not the only ones who have discovered how
to activate the behavior tapes of various species. There is a group of
organisms, often termed mimics, that copy the trigger features of other
animals in an attempt to trick these animals into mistakenly playing
the right behavior tapes at the wrong times. The mimic will then exploit
this altogether inappropriate action for its own benefit.
   Take, for example, the deadly trick played by the killer females of
one genus of firefly (Photuris) on the males of another firefly genus
(Photinus). Understandably, the Photinus males scrupulously avoid
contact with the bloodthirsty Photuris females. But through centuries
of experience, the female hunters have located a weakness in their
prey—a special blinking courtship code by which members of the vic-
tims’ species tell one another they are ready to mate. Somehow, the
Photuris female has cracked the Photinus courtship code. By mimicking
the flashing mating signals of her prey, the murderess is able to feast
on the bodies of males whose triggered courtship tapes cause them to
fly mechanically into death’s, not love’s, embrace.
   Insects seem to be the most severe exploiters of the automaticity of
their prey; it is not uncommon to find their victims duped to death. But
less uncompromising forms of exploitation occur as well. There is, for
instance, a little fish, the saber-toothed blenny, that takes advantage of
an unusual program of cooperation worked out by members of two
other species of fish. The cooperating fish form a Mutt and Jeff team
consisting of a large grouper fish on the one hand and a much smaller
type of fish on the other. The smaller fish serves as a cleaner to the larger
one, which allows the cleaner to approach it and even enter its mouth
to pick off fungus and other parasites that have attached themselves to
                                             Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 7

the big fish’s teeth or gills. It is a beautiful arrangement: The big grouper
gets cleaned of harmful pests, and the cleaner fish gets an easy dinner.
The larger fish normally devours any other small fish foolish enough
to come close to it. But when the cleaner approaches, the big fish sud-
denly stops all movement and floats open-mouthed and nearly immobile
in response to an undulating dance that the cleaner performs. This
dance appears to be the trigger feature of the cleaner that activates the
dramatic passivity of the big fish. It also provides the saber-toothed
blenny with an angle—a chance to take advantage of the cleaning ritual
of the cooperators. The blenny will approach the large predator, copying
the undulations of the cleaner’s dance and automatically producing the
tranquil, unmoving posture of the big fish. Then, true to its name, it
will quickly rip a mouthful from the larger fish’s flesh and dart away
before its startled victim can recover.5
   There is a strong but sad parallel in the human jungle. We too have
exploiters who mimic trigger features for our own brand of automatic
responding. Unlike the mostly instinctive response sequences of non-
humans, our automatic tapes usually develop from psychological
principles or stereotypes we have learned to accept. Although they vary
in their force, some of these principles possess a tremendous ability to
direct human action. We have been subjected to them from such an
early point in our lives, and they have moved us about so pervasively
since then, that you and I rarely perceive their power. In the eyes of
others, though, each such principle is a detectable and ready weapon—a
weapon of automatic influence.
   There is a group of people who know very well where the weapons
of automatic influence lie and who employ them regularly and expertly
to get what they want. They go from social encounter to social encounter
requesting others to comply with their wishes; their frequency of success
is dazzling. The secret of their effectiveness lies in the way they structure
their requests, the way they arm themselves with one or another of the
weapons of influence that exist within the social environment. To do
this may take no more than one correctly chosen word that engages a
strong psychological principle and sets an automatic behavior tape
rolling within us. And trust the human exploiters to learn quickly exactly
how to profit from our tendency to respond mechanically according to
these principles.
   Remember my friend the jewelry-store owner? Although she benefited
by accident the first time, it did not take her long to begin exploiting
the “expensive = good” stereotype regularly and intentionally. Now,
during the tourist season, she first tries to speed the sale of an item that
has been difficult to move by increasing its price substantially. She
claims that this is marvelously cost-effective. When it works on the
8 / Influence

unsuspecting vacationers—as it frequently does—it results in an
enormous profit margin. And even when it is not initially successful,
she can mark the article “Reduced from _____” and sell it at its original
price while still taking advantage of the “expensive = good” reaction
to the inflated figure.
   By no means is my friend original in this last use of the “expensive
= good” rule to snare those seeking a bargain. Culturist and author Leo
Rosten gives the example of the Drubeck brothers, Sid and Harry, who
owned a men’s tailor shop in Rosten’s neighborhood while he was
growing up in the 1930s. Whenever the salesman, Sid, had a new cus-
tomer trying on suits in front of the shop’s three-sided mirror, he would
admit to a hearing problem, and, as they talked, he would repeatedly
request that the man speak more loudly to him. Once the customer had
found a suit he liked and had asked for the price, Sid would call to his
brother, the head tailor, at the back of the room, “Harry, how much for
this suit?” Looking up from his work—and greatly exaggerating the
suit’s true price—Harry would call back, “For that beautiful all-wool
suit, forty-two dollars.” Pretending not to have heard and cupping his
hand to his ear, Sid would ask again. Once more Harry would reply,
“Forty-two dollars.” At this point, Sid would turn to the customer and
report, “He says twenty-two dollars.” Many a man would hurry to buy
the suit and scramble out of the shop with his “expensive = good”
bargain before Poor Sid discovered the “mistake.”

   There are several components shared by most of the weapons of
automatic influence to be described in this book. We have already dis-
cussed two of them—the nearly mechanical process by which the power
within these weapons can be activated, and the consequent exploitability
of this power by anyone who knows how to trigger them. A third
component involves the way that the weapons of automatic influence
lend their force to those who use them. It’s not that the weapons, like
a set of heavy clubs, provide a conspicuous arsenal to be used by one
person to bludgeon another into submission.
   The process is much more sophisticated and subtle. With proper ex-
ecution, the exploiters need hardly strain a muscle to get their way. All
that is required is to trigger the great stores of influence that already
exist in the situation and direct them toward the intended target. In this
sense, the approach is not unlike that of the Japanese martial-art form
called jujitsu. A woman employing jujitsu would utilize her own
strength only minimally against an opponent. Instead, she would exploit
the power inherent in such naturally present principles as gravity,
leverage, momentum, and inertia. If she knows how and where to en-
gage the action of these principles, she can easily defeat a physically
                                              Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 9

stronger rival. And so it is for the exploiters of the weapons of automatic
influence that exist naturally around us. The exploiters can commission
the power of these weapons for use against their targets while exerting
little personal force. This last feature of the process allows the exploiters
an enormous additional benefit—the ability to manipulate without the
appearance of manipulation. Even the victims themselves tend to see
their compliance as determined by the action of natural forces rather
than by the designs of the person who profits from that compliance.
   An example is in order. There is a principle in human perception, the
contrast principle, that affects the way we see the difference between
two things that are presented one after another. Simply put, if the second
item is fairly different from the first, we will tend to see it as more dif-
ferent than it actually is. So if we lift a light object first and then lift a
heavy object, we will estimate the second object to be heavier than if
we had lifted it without first trying the light one. The contrast principle
is well established in the field of psychophysics and applies to all sorts
of perceptions besides weight. If we are talking to a beautiful woman
at a cocktail party and are then joined by an unattractive one, the second
woman will strike us as less attractive than she actually is.
   In fact, studies done on the contrast principle at Arizona State and
Montana State universities suggest that we may be less satisfied with
the physical attractiveness of our own lovers because of the way the
popular media bombard us with examples of unrealistically attractive
models. In one study college students rated a picture of an average-
looking member of the opposite sex as less attractive if they had first
looked through the ads in some popular magazines. In another study,
male college-dormitory residents rated the photo of a potential blind
date. Those who did so while watching an episode of the Charlie’s Angels
TV series viewed the blind date as a less attractive woman than those
who rated her while watching a different show. Apparently it was the
uncommon beauty of the Angels female stars that made the blind date
seem less attractive.6
   A nice demonstration of perceptual contrast is sometimes employed
in psychophysics laboratories to introduce students to the principle
firsthand. Each student takes a turn sitting in front of three pails of
water—one cold, one at room temperature, and one hot. After placing
one hand in the cold water and one in the hot water, the student is told
to place both in the lukewarm water simultaneously. The look of amused
bewilderment that immediately registers tells the story: Even though
both hands are in the same bucket, the hand that has been in the cold
water feels as if it is now in hot water, while the one that was in the hot
water feels as if it is now in cold water. The point is that the same
10 / Influence

thing—in this instance, room-temperature water—can be made to seem
very different, depending on the nature of the event that precedes it.
   Be assured that the nice little weapon of influence provided by the
contrast principle does not go unexploited. The great advantage of this
principle is not only that it works but also that it is virtually undetect-
able. Those who employ it can cash in on its influence without any ap-
pearance of having structured the situation in their favor. Retail clothiers
are a good example. Suppose a man enters a fashionable men’s store
and says that he wants to buy a three-piece suit and a sweater. If you
were the salesperson, which would you show him first to make him
likely to spend the most money? Clothing stores instruct their sales
personnel to sell the costly item first. Common sense might suggest the
reverse: If a man has just spent a lot of money to purchase a suit, he
may be reluctant to spend very much more on the purchase of a
sweater. But the clothiers know better. They behave in accordance with
what the contrast principle would suggest: Sell the suit first, because
when it comes time to look at sweaters, even expensive ones, their prices
will not seem as high in comparison. A man might balk at the idea of
spending $95 for a sweater, but if he has just bought a $495 suit, a $95
sweater does not seem excessive. The same principle applies to a man
who wishes to buy the accessories (shirt, shoes, belt) to go along with
his new suit. Contrary to the commonsense view, the evidence supports
the contrast-principle prediction. As sales motivation analysts Whitney,
Hubin, and Murphy state, “The interesting thing is that even when a
man enters a clothing store with the express purpose of purchasing a
suit, he will almost always pay more for whatever accessories he buys
if he buys them after the suit purchase than before.”
   It is much more profitable for salespeople to present the expensive
item first, not only because to fail to do so will lose the influence of the
contrast principle; to fail to do so will also cause the principle to work
actively against them. Presenting an inexpensive product first and fol-
lowing it with an expensive one will cause the expensive item to seem
even more costly as a result—hardly a desirable consequence for most
sales organizations. So, just as it is possible to make the same bucket of
water appear to be hotter or colder, depending on the temperature of
previously presented water, it is possible to make the price of the same
item seem higher or lower, depending on the price of a previously
presented item.
   Clever use of perceptual contrast is by no means confined to clothiers.
I came across a technique that engaged the contrast principle while I
was investigating, undercover, the compliance tactics of real-estate
companies. To “learn the ropes,” I was accompanying a company realty
salesman on a weekend of showing houses to prospective home buyers.
                                          Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 11

The salesman—we can call him Phil—was to give me tips to help me
through my break-in period. One thing I quickly noticed was that
whenever Phil began showing a new set of customers potential buys,
he would start with a couple of undesirable houses. I asked him about
it, and he laughed. They were what he called “setup” properties. The
company maintained a run-down house or two on its lists at inflated
prices. These houses were not intended to be sold to customers but to
be shown to them, so that the genuine properties in the company’s in-
ventory would benefit from the comparison. Not all the sales staff made
use of the setup houses, but Phil did. He said he liked to watch his
prospects’ “eyes light up” when he showed the place he really wanted
to sell them after they had seen the run-down houses. “The house I got
them spotted for looks really great after they’ve first looked at a couple
of dumps.”
   Automobile dealers use the contrast principle by waiting until the
price for a new car has been negotiated before suggesting one option
after another that might be added. In the wake of a fifteen-thousand-
dollar deal, the hundred or so dollars required for a nicety like an FM
radio seems almost trivial in comparison. The same will be true of the
added expense of accessories like tinted windows, dual side-view mir-
rors, whitewall tires, or special trim that the salesman might suggest
in sequence. The trick is to bring up the extras independently of one
another, so that each small price will seem petty when compared to the
already-determined much larger one. As the veteran car buyer can attest,
many a budget-sized final price figure has ballooned from the addition
of all those seemingly little options. While the customer stands, signed
contract in hand, wondering what happened and finding no one to
blame but himself, the car dealer stands smiling the knowing smile of
the jujitsu master.
                           READER’S REPORT
                  From the Parent of a College Coed
     Dear Mother and Dad:
        Since I left for college I have been remiss in writing and
     I am sorry for my thoughtlessness in not having written be-
     fore. I will bring you up to date now, but before you read on,
     please sit down. You are not to read any further unless you
     are sitting down, okay?
        Well, then, I am getting along pretty well now. The skull
     fracture and the concussion I got when I jumped out the
     window of my dormitory when it caught on fire shortly after
     my arrival here is pretty well healed now. I only spent two
12 / Influence


    weeks in the hospital and now I can see almost normally and
    only get those sick headaches once a day. Fortunately, the
    fire in the dormitory, and my jump, was witnessed by an at-
    tendant at the gas station near the dorm, and he was the one
    who called the Fire Department and the ambulance. He also
    visited me in the hospital and since I had nowhere to live
    because of the burntout dormitory, he was kind enough to
    invite me to share his apartment with him. It’s really a base-
    ment room, but it’s kind of cute. He is a very fine boy and
    we have fallen deeply in love and are planning to get married.
    We haven’t got the exact date yet, but it will be before my
    pregnancy begins to show.
        Yes, Mother and Dad, I am pregnant. I know how much
    you are looking forward to being grandparents and I know
    you will welcome the baby and give it the same love and
    devotion and tender care you gave me when I was a child.
    The reason for the delay in our marriage is that my boyfriend
    has a minor infection which prevents us from passing our
    pre-marital blood tests and I carelessly caught it from him.
        Now that I have brought you up to date, I want to tell you
    that there was no dormitory fire, I did not have a concussion
    or skull fracture, I was not in the hospital, I am not pregnant,
    I am not engaged, I am not infected, and there is no boyfriend.
    However, I am getting a “D” in American History, and an
    “F” in Chemistry and I want you to see those marks in their
    proper perspective.

                                   Your loving daughter,
                                   Sharon
Sharon may be failing chemistry, but she gets an “A” in psychology.
                           Chapter 2

                  RECIPROCATION
           The Old Give and Take…and Take

                Pay every debt, as if God wrote the bill.
                     —RALPH WALDO EMERSON




A ment. He sent Christmas cards to a sample of perfect strangers.
    FEW YEARS AGO, A UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR TRIED A LITTLE  experi-

Although he expected some reaction, the response he received was
amazing—holiday cards addressed to him came pouring back from the
people who had never met nor heard of him. The great majority of those
who returned a card never inquired into the identity of the unknown
professor. They received his holiday greeting card, click, and, whirr,
they automatically sent one in return. While small in scope, this study
nicely shows the action of one of the most potent of the weapons of in-
fluence around us—the rule for reciprocation.1 The rule says that we
should try to repay, in kind, what another person has provided us. If
a woman does us a favor, we should do her one in return; if a man
sends us a birthday present, we should remember his birthday with a
gift of our own; if a couple invites us to a party, we should be sure to
invite them to one of ours. By virtue of the reciprocity rule, then, we
are obligated to the future repayment of favors, gifts, invitations, and
the like. So typical is it for indebtedness to accompany the receipt of
such things that a term like “much obliged” has become a synonym for
“thank you,” not only in the English language but in others as well.
   The impressive aspect of the rule for reciprocation and the sense of
obligation that goes with it is its pervasiveness in human culture. It is
so widespread that after intensive study, sociologists such as Alvin
14 / Influence

Gouldner can report that there is no human society that does not sub-
scribe to the rule.2 And within each society it seems pervasive also; it
permeates exchanges of every kind. Indeed, it may well be that a de-
veloped system of indebtedness flowing from the rule for reciprocation
is a unique property of human culture. The noted archaeologist Richard
Leakey ascribes the essence of what makes us human to the reciprocity
system: “We are human because our ancestors learned to share their
food and their skills in an honored network of obligation,”3 he says.
Cultural anthropologists Lionel Tiger and Robin Fox view this “web of
indebtedness” as a unique adaptive mechanism of human beings, al-
lowing for the division of labor, the exchange of diverse forms of goods,
the exchange of different services (making it possible for experts to
develop), and the creation of a cluster of interdependencies that bind
individuals together into highly efficient units.4
   It is the future orientation inherent in a sense of obligation that is
critical to its ability to produce social advances of the sort described by
Tiger and Fox. A widely shared and strongly held feeling of future ob-
ligation made an enormous difference in human social evolution, be-
cause it meant that one person could give something (for example, food,
energy, care) to another with confidence that it was not being lost. For
the first time in evolutionary history, one individual could give away
any of a variety of resources without actually giving them away. The
result was the lowering of the natural inhibitions against transactions
that must be begun by one person’s providing personal resources to
another. Sophisticated and coordinated systems of aid, gift giving, de-
fense, and trade became possible, bringing immense benefit to the soci-
eties that possessed them. With such clearly adaptive consequences for
the culture, it is not surprising that the rule for reciprocation is so deeply
implanted in us by the process of socialization we all undergo.
   I know of no better illustration of how reciprocal obligations can
reach long and powerfully into the future than the perplexing story of
five thousand dollars of relief aid that was sent in 1985 between Mexico
and the impoverished people of Ethiopia. In 1985 Ethiopia could justly
lay claim to the greatest suffering and privation in the world. Its eco-
nomy was in ruin. Its food supply had been ravaged by years of drought
and internal war. Its inhabitants were dying by the thousands from
disease and starvation. Under these circumstances, I would not have
been surprised to learn of a five-thousand-dollar relief donation from
Mexico to that wrenchingly needy country. I remember my chin hitting
my chest, though, when a brief newspaper item I was reading insisted
that the aid had gone in the opposite direction. Native officials of the
Ethiopian Red Cross had decided to send the money to help the victims
of that year’s earthquakes in Mexico City.
                                           Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 15

   It is both a personal bane and a professional blessing that whenever
I am confused by some aspect of human behavior, I feel driven to in-
vestigate further. In this instance, I was able to track down a fuller ac-
count of the story. Fortunately a journalist who had been as bewildered
as I was by the Ethiopians’ action had asked for an explanation. The
answer he received offers eloquent validation of the reciprocity rule:
Despite the enormous needs prevailing in Ethiopia, the money was
being sent because Mexico had sent aid to Ethiopia in 1935, when it was
invaded by Italy. So informed, I remained awed, but I was no longer
puzzled. The need to reciprocate had transcended great cultural differ-
ences, long distances, acute famine, and immediate self-interest. Quite
simply, a half century later, against all countervailing forces, obligation
triumphed.
   Make no mistake, human societies derive a truly significant compet-
itive advantage from the reciprocity rule, and consequently they make
sure their members are trained to comply with and believe in it. Each
of us has been taught to live up to the rule, and each of us knows about
the social sanctions and derision applied to anyone who violates it. The
labels we assign to such a person are loaded with negativity—moocher,
ingrate, welsher. Because there is general distaste for those who take
and make no effort to give in return, we will often go to great lengths
to avoid being considered one of their number. It is to those lengths
that we will often be taken and, in the process, be “taken” by individuals
who stand to gain from our indebtedness.
   To understand how the rule for reciprocation can be exploited by
one who recognizes it as the source of influence it certainly is, we might
closely examine an experiment performed by Professor Dennis Regan
of Cornell University.5 A subject who participated in the study found
himself rating, along with another subject, the quality of some paintings
as part of an experiment on “art appreciation.” The other rater—we can
call him Joe—was only posing as a fellow subject and was actually Dr.
Regan’s assistant. For our purposes, the experiment took place under
two different conditions. In some cases, Joe did a small, unsolicited favor
for the true subject. During a short rest period, he left the room for a
couple of minutes and returned with two bottles of Coca-Cola, one for
the subject and one for himself, saying, “I asked him [the experimenter]
if I could get myself a Coke, and he said it was okay, so I bought one
for you, too.” In other cases, Joe did not provide the subject with a favor;
he simply returned from the two-minute break empty-handed. In all
other respects, however, Joe behaved identically.
   Later on, after the paintings had all been rated and the experimenter
had momentarily left the room, Joe asked the subject to do him a favor.
He indicated that he was selling raffle tickets for a new car and that if
16 / Influence

he sold the most tickets, he would win a fifty-dollar prize. Joe’s request
was for the subject to buy some raffle tickets at twenty-five cents apiece:
“Any would help, the more the better.” The major finding of the study
concerns the number of tickets subjects purchased from Joe under the
two conditions. Without question, Joe was more successful in selling
his raffle tickets to the subjects who had received his earlier favor. Ap-
parently feeling that they owed him something, these subjects bought
twice as many tickets as the subjects who had not been given the prior
favor. Although the Regan study represents a fairly simple demonstra-
tion of the workings of the rule for reciprocation, it illustrates several
important characteristics of the rule that, upon further consideration,
help us to understand how it may be profitably used.

                    The Rule Is Overpowering
One of the reasons reciprocation can be used so effectively as a device
for gaining another’s compliance is its power. The rule possesses awe-
some strength, often producing a “yes” response to a request that, except
for an existing feeling of indebtedness, would have surely been refused.
Some evidence of how the rule’s force can overpower the influence of
other factors that normally determine whether a request will be com-
plied with can be seen in a second result of the Regan study. Besides
his interest in the impact of the reciprocity rule on compliance, Regan
was also interested in how liking for a person affects the tendency to
comply with that person’s request. To measure how liking toward Joe
affected the subjects’ decisions to buy his raffle tickets, Regan had them
fill out several rating scales indicating how much they liked Joe. He
then compared their liking responses with the number of tickets they
had purchased from Joe. There was a significant tendency for subjects
to buy more raffle tickets from Joe the more they liked him. But this
alone is hardly a startling finding. Most of us would have guessed that
people are more willing to do a favor for someone they like.
   The interesting thing about the Regan experiment, however, is that
the relationship between liking and compliance was completely wiped
out in the condition under which subjects had been given a Coke by
Joe. For those who owed him a favor, it made no difference whether
they liked him or not; they felt a sense of obligation to repay him, and
they did. The subjects in that condition who indicated that they disliked
Joe bought just as many of his tickets as did those who indicated that
they liked him. The rule for reciprocity was so strong that it simply
overwhelmed the influence of a factor—liking for the requester—that
normally affects the decision to comply.
   Think of the implications. People we might ordinarily dislike—unsa-
                                           Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 17

vory or unwelcome sales operators, disagreeable acquaintances, repres-
entatives of strange or unpopular organizations—can greatly increase
the chance that we will do what they wish merely by providing us with
a small favor prior to their requests. Let’s take an example that by now
many of us have encountered. The Hare Krishna Society is an Eastern
religious sect with centuries-old roots traceable to the Indian city of
Calcutta. But its spectacular modern-day story occurred in the 1970s,
when it experienced a remarkable growth not only in followers but also
in wealth and property. The economic growth was funded through a
variety of activities, the principal and still most visible of which is the
request for donations by Society members from passersby in public
places. During the early history of the group in this country, the solicit-
ation for contributions was attempted in a fashion memorable for anyone
who saw it. Groups of Krishna devotees—often with shaved heads,
and wearing ill-fitting robes, leg wrappings, beads, and bells—would
canvass a city street, chanting and bobbing in unison while begging for
funds.
   Although highly effective as a technique for gaining attention, this
form of fund-raising did not work especially well. The average Amer-
ican considered the Krishnas weird, to say the least, and was reluctant
to provide money to support them. It quickly became clear to the Society
that it had a considerable public-relations problem. The people being
asked for contributions did not like the way the members looked,
dressed, or acted. Had the Society been an ordinary commercial organ-
ization, the solution would have been simple—change the things the
public does not like. But the Krishnas are a religious organization; and
the way members look, dress, and act is partially tied to religious factors.
Because, in any denomination, religious factors are typically resistant
to change because of worldly considerations, the Krishna leadership
was faced with a real dilemma. On the one hand were beliefs, modes
of dress, and hairstyles that had religious significance. On the other
hand, threatening the organization’s financial welfare, were the less-
than-positive feelings of the American public toward these things.
What’s a sect to do?
   The Krishnas’ resolution was brilliant. They switched to a fund-raising
tactic that made it unnecessary for target persons to have positive feel-
ings toward the fund-raisers. They began to employ a donation-request
procedure that engaged the rule for reciprocation, which, as demon-
strated by the Regan study, is strong enough to overcome the factor of
dislike for the requester. The new strategy still involves the solicitation
of contributions in public places with much pedestrian traffic (airports
are a favorite), but now, before a donation is requested, the target person
is given a “gift”—a book (usually the Bhagavad Gita), the Back to Godhead
18 / Influence

magazine of the Society, or, in the most cost-effective version, a flower.
The unsuspecting passerby who suddenly finds a flower pressed into
his hands or pinned to his jacket is under no circumstances allowed to
give it back, even if he asserts that he does not want it. “No, it is our
gift to you,” says the solicitor, refusing to accept it. Only after the
Krishna member has thus brought the force of the reciprocation rule to
bear on the situation is the target asked to provide a contribution to the
Society. This benefactor-before-beggar strategy has been wildly success-
ful for the Hare Krishna Society, producing large-scale economic gains
and funding the ownership of temples, businesses, houses, and property
in 321 centers in the United States and overseas.
   As an aside, it is instructive that the reciprocation rule has begun to
outlive its usefulness for the Krishnas, not because the rule itself is any
less potent societally, but because we have found ways to prevent the
Krishnas from using it on us. After once falling victim to their tactic,
many travelers are now alert to the presence of robed Krishna Society
solicitors in airports and train stations, adjusting their paths to avoid
an encounter and preparing beforehand to ward off a solicitor’s “gift.”
Although the Society has tried to counter this increased vigilance by
instructing members to be dressed and groomed in modern styles to
avoid immediate recognition when soliciting (some actually carry flight
bags or suitcases), even disguise has not worked especially well for
the Krishnas. Too many individuals now know better than to accept
unrequested offerings in public places like airports. Furthermore,
airport administrators have initiated a number of procedures designed
to forewarn us of the Krishnas’ true identity and intent. Thus, it is now
common airport practice to restrict the Krishnas’ soliciting activity to
certain areas of the airport and to announce through signs and the
public address system that the Krishnas are soliciting there. It is a test-
ament to the societal value of reciprocation that we have chosen to fight
the Krishnas mostly by seeking to avoid rather than to withstand the
force of their gift giving. The reciprocity rule that empowers their tactic
is too strong—and socially beneficial—for us to want to violate it.
   Politics is another arena in which the power of the reciprocity rule
shows itself. Reciprocation tactics appear at every level:

• At the top, elected officials engage in “logrolling” and the exchange
  of favors that makes politics the place of strange bedfellows, indeed.
  The out-of-character vote of one of our elected representatives on a
  bill or measure can often be understood as a favor returned to the
  bill’s sponsor. Political analysts were amazed at Lyndon Johnson’s
  ability to get so many of his programs through Congress during his
  early administration. Even members of congress who were thought
                                          Robert B. Cialdini Ph.D / 19

  to be strongly opposed to the proposals were voting for them. Close
  examination by political scientists has found the cause to be not so
  much Johnson’s political savvy as the large score of favors he had
  been able to provide to other legislators during his many years of
  power in the House and Senate. As President, he was able to produce
  a truly remarkable amount of legislation in a short time by calling in
  those favors. It is interesting that this same process may account for
  the problems Jimmy Carter had in getting his programs through
  Congress during his early administration, despite heavy Democratic
  majorities in both House and Senate. Carter came to the presidency
  from outside the Capitol Hill establishment. He campaigned on his
  outside-Washington identity, saying that he was indebted to no one
  there. Much of his legislative difficulty upon arriving may be traced
  to the fact that no one there was indebted to him.
• At another level, we can see the recognized strength of the reciprocity
  rule in the desire of corporations and individuals to provide judicial
  and legislative officials with gifts and favors, and in the series of
  legal restrictions against such gifts and favors. Even with legitimate
  political contributions, the stockpiling of obligations often underlies
  the stated purpose of supporting a favorite candidate. One look at
  the lists of companies and organizations that contribute to the cam-
  paigns of both major candidates in important elections gives evidence
  of such motives. A skepti